The journal was established in 2001 by decree of the Academic Council of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University. The journal features major works in History, Political Science, and International Relations, as well as book reviews by eminent Ukrainian and prominent foreign scholars. The journal explores the role of scientists in society and the role of scientific knowledge in the modern world. The journal is an indispensable resource for university and research departments, libraries, and researchers seeking to stay abreast of news and trends in their respective fields.
Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University
University in the Global Educational Space: International Cooperation on the Way to Sustainable Development
The article analyzes the current state, strategic directions, and instruments of international engagement of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University. The study highlights key achievements in academic mobility, participation in Erasmus+, Horizon Europe, and Jean Monnet programs, as well as in double degree initiatives, digital education, cooperation with European university alliances, and diplomatic institutions. In the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine, the university demonstrates resilience and adaptability through flexible project management, blended learning models, and active involvement in cultural diplomacy and heritage preservation. The focus of the study is the role of the university as a whole, and the Faculty of History, Political Science and International Relations in particular, as a resilient educational center in times of war. The paper underscores the transformative role of internationalization not only as an academic resource but also as a mechanism of institutional sustainability and global solidarity. Particular attention is paid to innovative practices such as hosting foreign lecturers, remote cooperation formats, expanding linguistic infrastructure, and coordinating EU-funded projects. At the same time, the study addresses critical issues, including mobility restrictions, regional asymmetries in partnerships, and the uneven engagement of faculties. Chernivtsi University is presented as a model of a modern Ukrainian HEI that actively redefines its place in the European Higher Education Area by embracing values of openness, cooperation, and academic resilience amid crisis.
Copyright (c) 2025 Vasyl Karpo https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Faculty of History, Political Science and International Relations: Reflections of a Former Dean
The article is dedicated to the 150th anniversary of Chernivtsi University. The author has been working here since 1971 and led the Faculty of History for 27 calendar years (since 2005 known as the Faculty of History, Political Science and International Relations). For the same period, he also headed the Department of International Relations (now the Department of International Relations and Social Communications). The material draws on publications about Chernivtsi University and its subdivisions, the author’s own memoirs, and family archival documents. The Faculty of History was officially established in 1940. However, historical courses had been taught since the founding of Chernivtsi University, which, over the years, went through four distinct stages: the Austro-Hungarian, the Romanian, the Soviet, and its current stage as a Ukrainian higher education institution. The author begins with a brief overview of the University’s activities during the first two stages of its existence, describing its structure and the operation of its three original faculties. With the transformation of the University into a Soviet institution, significant changes took place, reflecting the contemporary authorities’ vision of the role and mission of higher education institutions in training specialists for various sectors of society. At that time, the Faculty of History comprised three departments. Upon joining the Faculty of History as a lecturer, the author, together with his colleagues, carried out important tasks throughout the Soviet period: increasing the number of full-time students, expanding the academic staff, optimizing the educational process, developing scientific research (within the constraints of the era), and elevating the Faculty to a level on par with other similar faculties. After the collapse of the USSR and Ukraine’s independence, there arose an urgent need to fundamentally rebuild the Faculty’s educational and scientific work. Foremost was the transition to a Ukrainian perspective on national and world history. Equally important was the opening of new programs, such as International Relations, Political Science, and Public Administration, as well as the expansion of international cooperation, building upon earlier personal contacts and embodied in the University’s first international agreement, concluded during the Soviet period, with Canada’s University of Saskatchewan. The article concludes with a brief summary.
Copyright (c) 2025 Юрій Макар https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The Assessment of Current Threats to the National Security of the Baltic States and Finland in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian War
The large-scale invasion of Ukrainian territory by Russia has forced NATO member states to actualize the issue of identifying weaknesses in the defense system, finding solutions to strengthen borders, and deepening military cooperation to counter the aggression. This research aims to analyze the current threats to the national security of the Baltic States and the Republic of Finland in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war and identify further potential areas of military cooperation with Ukraine. To achieve this objective, general scientific research methods were used, including analysis and synthesis, content analysis, comparison, and classification. These research methods allowed for an analysis of the security environment of the Baltic States and Finland, with particular attention paid to current military and political threats to their national security. The article reveals the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the formation of further tasks in implementing the foreign policy of the Baltic States and Finland in the context of the transformation of the international security system. In particular, the author identifies the spheres, tools, and methods of Russia's direct influence. Based on the analysis, the author confirms the importance of developing cooperation between Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, and Ukraine in the military-political sphere as a necessary step in strengthening the European security system as a whole. Therefore, the relevant conclusions in this area of research are formulated.
Copyright (c) 2025 Анастасія Присташ https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Freezing and Confiscation of Assets as Instruments of International Pressure on Aggressor States
The purpose of the article is to study the freezing and confiscation of assets as sanctions instruments of international influence on aggressor states, and also to find out their effectiveness and problems of practical application. The tasks are as follows: 1) to determine the peculiarities of freezing assets as an instrument of sanctions influence; 2) to determine the characteristics of the processes of freezing their assets, to assess the effectiveness of such financial sanctions on the example of several states (Iran, Libya, and Iran); 3) to study the issue of freezing Russian assets and using the proceeds from their circulation for the needs of Ukraine; 4) to consider the problem of confiscation of Russian blocked assets. The main methodological approach is neo-institutionalism. It is argued that financial sanctions, although they create pressure on aggressor states, are not always sufficient to stop illegal actions and undermine the ability to aggress. It is noted that the most controversial issue is the confiscation of Russian assets. It is argued that the confiscation of Russian assets in favor of Ukraine requires a strong political will of the elites of the states that hold these assets (France, Germany, Belgium, etc.), as well as irrefutable legal arguments. It is emphasized that the main difficulty in confiscating blocked assets lies in the respect of democratic states for property rights, even if it is the property of the aggressor state. Despite the existing precedents, asset confiscation remains a problem of international law. Attention is drawn to the processes of forming the Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine (RD4U), and the planned establishment of a compensation commission and a compensation fund. The author suggests possible changes in the issue of confiscation of Russian frozen assets in favor of Ukraine in view of the change in the EU sanctions policy at the end of 2024 (15th sanctions package).
Copyright (c) 2025 Наталія Хома https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference: the Influence of the Russian Federation on Public Opinion on the Eve of its Full-scale Invasion
“Foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI)” is a pattern of behaviour that threatens or has the potential to negatively impact values, procedures and policy processes. Destructive information activity of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and the world showcases such a behaviour. On the eve of the intervention in Ukraine on February 24, 2022, throughout 2021, the RF conducted a powerful special FIMI operation to promote the image of its “extremely strong and invincible army”. We claim that the goal of that FIMI was to intimidate the political elite of Ukraine and ordinary citizens, to eliminate any desire to fight as practically “suicidal”, to induce the state leadership and the President, in particular, to make decisions in favour of the RF. Since Ukrainians give great preference to various Telegram channels as a quick source of “insider” information, the paper scrutinises key messages about the RF army published in 1) the state-owned Russian (RIA Novosti), 2) a number of pro-Ukrainian and 3) Ukrainian pro-Russian Telegram channels. We aim to prove that the publications regarding the image of the Russian army were a RF’s special FIMI operation. Our research shows that the assumption that the RF implemented the special FIMI operation is confirmed. However, the results also indicate that this operation (at least on the part of the state-owned Russian RIA Novosti) was less straightforward and blatant, rather it was more “sophisticated”, although undoubtedly intrusive. This is clearly the manifestation of the “soft power” of this FIMI operation.The paper contributes to further understanding of foreign information manipulation and interference as a growing political problem and a challenge to states’ national security.
Copyright (c) 2025 Богдан Юськів, Наталія Карпчук https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Saudi Arabia’s Current Foreign Policy Priorities: Regional and Global Contexts
It is examined Saudi Arabia’s current foreign policy priorities in the context of regional and global transformations, taking into account key aspects of the state’s economic and diplomatic strategy. The transformation of the Kingdom’s role in the international arena, regional leadership, and strategic initiatives has been analyzed. It is emphasized that Saudi Arabia has significant economic and resource potential: it possesses huge oil reserves, controls strategic trade routes and has an influential political position in the international arena. The Kingdom invests funds from energy resources export in ambitious reforms aimed at modernizing society and the economy. The geopolitical position of Saudi Arabia in the Middle East region and the dynamics of the Kingdom’s relations with leading international actors are examined, in particular, the normalization of relations with Iran and cooperation with Israel. Particular attention is paid to the dynamics of the Kingdom’s relations with China, Russia, the European Union, and the United States. Key aspects of Saudi Arabia’s energy policy within OPEC+ are examined, as well as its desire to diversify the economy and increase non-oil revenues. Particular attention is paid to the Vision 2030 program, which defines the Kingdom’s strategic course for multilateral development, cultural reforms, attracting foreign investment, and reducing dependence on energy exports. The country’s use of soft power and public diplomacy tools to shape a new image in the international arena is examined. The challenges and opportunities facing Saudi Arabia in the context of the formation of a new architecture of international relations are highlighted. It is argued that despite these challenges, including dependence on oil exports and domestic opposition to reforms, Saudi Arabia demonstrates a readiness for the transformation and liberalization of the country, necessary to consolidate its image as an important geopolitical actor.
Copyright (c) 2025 Леся Дорош, Анастасія Терешкевич https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Ukrainian-Polish Relations Through the Prism of Scientific Schools of International Relations
The purpose of this article is to explore the theoretical foundations and methodological approaches of leading academic schools in the field of international relations to gain a deeper understanding of Ukrainian-Polish relations in the context of the European Union's enlargement policy. Special emphasis is placed on the relevance of realist and liberal theories in analyzing the dynamics of this bilateral interaction. The main objectives of the study include a systematic analysis of key theoretical concepts used to examine Ukrainian-Polish cooperation within the framework of European integration, identification of the role of the EU as a driver of stability, democratization, and the diffusion of European values in Ukraine, and assessment of the instruments through which Poland and the European Union support democratic transformations in Ukraine, particularly within the framework of the “Eastern Dimension” initiative. The study applies methods of theoretical analysis, comparative research, interpretation, and systems thinking to investigate the evolution and current state of Ukrainian-Polish relations against the backdrop of EU enlargement. An integrative approach is also employed to synthesize various international relations theories for a more comprehensive understanding of the issue. Particular attention is paid to the realist school, which emphasizes national interest and state security, as well as to neorealism, which frames the international system as a structural constraint or enabler of state behavior. Liberal theories, such as liberal intergovernmentalism and the theory of democratic peace, are also considered essential tools for interpreting the process of European integration. Within these theoretical frameworks, the article explores how Poland and Ukraine interact with international organizations, especially the EU, and investigates the mechanisms that shape their bilateral relations in the context of integration. The analysis also covers key aspects of EU enlargement, highlighting its dual function: first, as a mechanism for promoting stability through reforms in neighboring states; second, as a means of projecting European norms and values onto new geopolitical areas. Scholars increasingly emphasize the EU’s role as a normative power that influences partner countries through a strategy of conditionality, often referred to as the “carrot and stick” approach. The article provides a detailed characterization of the “Eastern Dimension” initiative, originally advanced by Poland, and examines its strategic significance for fostering democratic change in Eastern Europe. Finally, the research focuses on the EU's democracy promotion instruments – such as political dialogue, financial assistance, and international support – as key tools for ensuring stability and advancing development in countries striving for closer integration with the European community.
Copyright (c) 2025 Тетяна Єлова, Антоніна Шуляк https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Military Potential of Central and Eastern European States and Its Significance in Strengthening the EU’s Military Actorness
he role of Central and Eastern European states in the formation and strengthening of the European Union's military actorness was researched. The transformation of the region's countries from the “periphery” to the “security frontier” of the EU under conditions of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine was examined. The military potential of Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia, as well as their participation in Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) projects, was analyzed. The distribution of specialization areas and responsibilities among the region's states was identified. Poland acts as a regional leader in terms of land forces; the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania, and Bulgaria are providing the technological foundation for defense integration through the development of military-industrial complexes; the Baltic states specialize in countering cyber threats and hybrid attacks. It was established that the CEE-SEE states are gradually reorienting themselves from “consumers” to active participants in the collective defense system, which attests to their strategic value for the European Union. The approaches used by states in the region to increase their military potential under the influence of external threats, develop their military-industrial complexes, and their cooperation within the EU in the defense sector are analyzed. The conclusion is made that both during the continuation of the Russian-Ukrainian war and in case of its termination or partial freezing, the role of the Central and Eastern European states in the sphere of defense and security will increasingly grow, both due to their proximity to the Russian Federation and due to these states' desire to secure their national interests at the level of state policies and international interest in ensuring collective security within NATO and economic-political stability within the EU.
Copyright (c) 2025 Борис Лесик https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Modern Interdisciplinary Approaches to the Study of Military and Political Conflict
The article examines contemporary research projections in the fields of historiography, ethnic political science and applied mathematics with a view to their use in the study of the phenomenon of military and political conflict. This idea is implemented by the author on the example of studying the specifics of the Ukrainian-Polish war of 1918–1919 for Eastern Galicia, which resulted in the proclamation of Ukrainian statehood in Western Ukraine. The article clarifies the conceptual and terminological problems in the assessment and interpretation of the Ukrainian-Polish war of 1918–1919, which are still associated with the narratives of national historiographies of Ukraine and Poland. The author analyses the provisions of ethnic political science on the “state-making protracted warfare”, which to some extent can serve as a basis for explaining the causes, course and consequences of the conflict between Ukrainians and Poles in the twentieth century, in particular during the war under study. Attention is drawn to the factor of the “cultural situation”, which could directly influence the development of this conflict. The author substantiates research proposals for new approaches to studying the variability of the involvement of game theory in the methodological tools of studies of the Ukrainian-Polish war (course, results and legacy), in particular, in the study of ethno-political behaviors of participants in the military-political conflict. The article argues that it is expedient to use an interdisciplinary approach to the study of the ethno-political conflict between Ukrainians and Poles, since the use of historiography, political science and mathematics will significantly expand the interpretive field of the current understanding of the complex problems of bilateral Ukrainian-Polish relations.
Copyright (c) 2025 Іван Монолатій https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Heritage Diplomacy of UNESCO in Post-Conflict Zones: the Case of Iraq
The article analyses UNESCO's activities in the context of heritage diplomacy in post-conflict Iraq. The purpose of the study is firstly to fill the scientific gaps in the understanding and conceptualisation of heritage diplomacy, and secondly to identify the peculiarities of UNESCO's use of heritage diplomacy in the post-conflict zone of Iraq. Thus, two main objectives were set: 1) to outline the understanding of the concept of "heritage diplomacy"; 2) to analyse UNESCO's activities in the context of heritage diplomacy in Iraq and its impact on intercultural relations. "Heritage diplomacy" is a relatively new concept that has an interdisciplinary nature. Through the synthesis of several approaches to this phenomenon, an attempt to define "heritage diplomacy" was made. Thus, heritage diplomacy can be defined as the use of the tangible, intangible, and natural pasts, manifested as heritage, as well as narratives about and around it, for political purposes, including the creation, strengthening, and promotion of a particular culture and/or intercultural relations. Then, an analysis of UNESCO's heritage diplomacy activities in Iraq was conducted. It shows that one of the defining peculiarities of UNESCO's heritage diplomacy is the focusing on one or several heritage objects and building a narrative around them. This particular type of heritage, which is the point of focus of the overall narrative, was called a "focal heritage". An interesting observation in the case of Mosul is at first the emphasis on Islamic sites, which was then balanced by the importance of Christian sites in light of improved interfaith relations, thus maintaining the commitment to the primary idea of rebuilding post-conflict Mosul through a narrative of ethnic and religious diversity. Also, the nature of UNESCO as a platform of promoting particular cultures through the UNESCO World Heritage, Tentative, and Intangible Cultural Heritage Lists was pointed out.
Copyright (c) 2025 Сергій Орлов https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The European Union's Arctic Policy: Evolution and the Role of the Scandinavian Member States
The process of forming the European Union’s policy towards the Arctic region has been analyzed, the main dimensions of the EU’s presence in the Arctic have been considered, and the contribution of the Scandinavian member states to the implementation of the Union’s Arctic policy has been examined. The article is based on a qualitative analysis of documents, as well as secondary sources (media publications, statistical and analytical materials). The authors argue that the European Union is one of the key political actors in the European Arctic, making a significant contribution to the regulation, financing, and coordination of Arctic cooperation networks. In addition to traditional areas of interest, such as climate change, research support, critical resources, and cooperation, new topics such as geopolitics and security have emerged in recent EU policy documents on the Arctic region. Since the emergence of the EU Arctic policy, the EU’s involvement in the Arctic has increased, but its influence is limited by the lack of formal jurisdiction, which is primarily attributed to the fact that the member states of the EU have no access to the Arctic Ocean. The legitimacy of the European Union as an Arctic actor is also questioned. However, the EU’s indirect influence, including its environmental footprint, is significant through environmental, economic, and political ties. Simultaneously, differences have been identified among the positions of the Arctic states that are EU members concerning the European Union’s advancement in Arctic affairs. The formulation of the EU’s renewed Arctic policy in 2021 indicates that geopolitical considerations and climate priorities are likely to shape EU engagement in the Arctic in the coming years. However, a successful strategy will require increasing attention to the controversial political issues between different Arctic actors, whose activity in this region is only increasing.
Copyright (c) 2025 Тетяна Сидорук, Вікторія Віценко https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Donald Trump’s Network Communication Through the Lens of the VUCA Concept
This article examines the phenomenon of Donald Trump’s election as President of the United States through the lens of the VUCA concept (volatility, uncertainty, complexity, ambiguity) and analyzes the role of digital communication in his political activities. In the context of VUCA, D. Trump's communication leads to increased polarization, emotional mobilization, the destruction of traditional information institutions, and the personalization of political strategies. Trump's election campaign served as a model of algorithmically driven informational influence, fostering the dissemination of emotionally charged content, the delegitimization of traditional media, and the radicalization of public sentiment. His presidency is characterized by the strengthening of executive power, the intensification of domestic political conflicts, and the reassessment of foreign alliances. On the international stage, the Trump administration exhibits isolationist rhetoric, reduces U.S. engagement in multilateral initiatives, scales back military support for key partners, including Ukraine, reinforces economic protectionism, and transforms sanction policies. As a result, an environment of informational uncertainty emerges, complicating diplomatic and security dynamics. In the context of Ukraine’s struggle against Russian aggression, Washington’s inconsistent rhetoric and reduced military assistance contribute to heightened informational uncertainty and diplomatic challenges. The study confirms that Trump's digital communication is not only a tool of political influence but also a catalyst for VUCA-driven trends that are reshaping contemporary democratic processes. The study confirms that Trump's digital communication is a tool of political influence and a catalyst for VUCA trends that are transforming modern democratic processes, causing systemic changes in domestic and foreign policy, and therefore there is a need to rethink the sustainability of democratic institutions in an era when digital communication shapes political realities faster than traditional governance mechanisms can respond.
Copyright (c) 2025 Сергій Федонюк https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Evolution of Attitudes Toward Russia in the National Security Strategies of Ukraine’s Neighboring States (2004-2023)
The article examines the impact of Russia's military invasion of Georgia (2008) and Ukraine (2014), the annexation of Crimea, the occupation of part of Ukrainian territories by the Russians, and the full-scale Russian military invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, on the evolution of attitudes toward Russia in the National Security Strategies of Ukraine's neighboring states (Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Moldova). As a result of the analysis of the National Security Strategies of Ukraine's neighboring states, the author identified four stages in the evolution of their attitudes toward Russia and characterizes the strategic positions of these states regarding Russia's aggressive foreign policy and counteraction to it. It has been established that the key reason for the changes in the attitude toward Russia, recorded in the National Security Strategies of Ukraine's western neighbors (Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Moldova) after 2008, 2014 and 2022, was the direct military aggression against Georgia and Ukraine by the Russian Federation, its violation of the norms of international law, and the potential threat of further Russian expansion toward those European countries bordering Ukraine. It has been determined that the attitudes toward Russia, as reflected in the latest NSSs of the mentioned countries, are not the same. Poland, Romania, and Moldova clearly articulate their stance toward Russia's aggressive foreign policy, while Slovakia and Hungary – although they mention the threats to Europe's security from Russia and the potential possibility of confrontation – believe in the possibility of political dialogue and pragmatic relations with the Kremlin. It was found that an additional factor influencing the evolution of attitudes toward Russia and the introduction of corresponding changes to the NSS of the states under consideration were the political preferences of the ruling forces of these states. These forces, at different periods, held both anti-Russian and pro-Russian positions. Moreover, in the latter case, the authorities did not always respond in a timely and adequate manner to threats to the national security of their states and did not make corresponding changes to the National Security Strategy that would correspond to objective realities.
Copyright (c) 2025 Руслан Шиханов https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The Essence and Characteristic Features of Modern Democratic Backsliding
The article is devoted to the study of current trends, causes, and factors of modern democratic backsliding. It has been proven that the main features of democratic regression include the strengthening of the executive branch, restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly, destruction of the system of checks and balances, manipulation of the electoral process, a decline in judicial independence, political populism, a decline in public trust and the systematic violation of human rights. The main scientific approaches and theories that study the mechanisms and patterns of democratic institutional decline are analyzed. Democratic backsliding is defined as a complex of deliberate actions carried out by political leaders to take control of government bodies, limit political competition, maintain power and destroy the fundamental principles of the rule of law and democratic values. The role of populism in the process of limiting political competition, reducing the effectiveness of democratic institutions, deteriorating the quality of political decisions, deepening political polarization and social divisions is examined. The characteristic features and mechanisms of democratic backsliding and the dismantling of the principles, values, and norms of liberal democracy in Hungary are considered. It has been established that changes in constitutional norms by political leaders, the expansion of executive powers, unlimited control over state institutions and the electoral process has a direct impact on the violation of democratic procedures and the decline in the quality of public administration. It is proved that a part of society may approve democratic regression in exchange for guarantees of stability, security, support for conservative values, socio-economic well-being and the preservation of power for representatives of the political force with which they associate themselves.
Copyright (c) 2025 Володимир Кравченко, Оксана Добридень https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Analysis of State and Civil Society Cooperation Practices in Corruption Risk Oversight
The relevance of this study is determined by the need to improve mechanisms for preventing corruption in the context of the transformation of public administration and growing societal demand for transparency and accountability. Despite formal institutionalization, cooperation between state institutions and civil society in the field of anti-corruption control remains fragmented and uneven and is insufficiently explored within the framework of contemporary governance concepts. The aim of this article is to conduct a comprehensive academic analysis of the forms and mechanisms of interaction between the state and civil society in controlling corruption risks, with the goal of identifying effective cooperation models that ensure transparency, accountability, and sustainability in anti-corruption policy. The methodological basis includes systems, institutional, comparative, and structural-functional approaches, which allow for the identification of relationships between legal, organizational, and digital factors affecting the efficiency of public-civic interaction. The research has examined participatory governance theories, described tools of civic engagement in monitoring corruption risks, assessed the degree of their institutionalization, revealed key barriers to long-term cooperation, and analyzed the role of digital platforms in shaping transparent governance. It has been demonstrated that effective anti-corruption cooperation requires not only legal regulation but also technological support, guaranteed feedback mechanisms, and the development of civic capacity. The scientific novelty lies in the integration of legal, institutional, and digital dimensions in the analysis of anti-corruption partnerships, allowing for the substantiation of directions for improving interaction under conditions of decentralization and digitalization. The conclusions provide practical recommendations for enhancing state policy in corruption risk control. Future research should focus on designing risk-oriented models of civic engagement, assessing the effectiveness of digital platforms, and developing quality indicators for sustainable state-civic partnerships.
Copyright (c) 2025 Людмила Новоскольцева https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Functioning of the Institute of Political Parties in the Context of Digital Transformations of the Political Sphere: Trends, Problems and Prospects
The article studies the main trends, problems and prospects of the functioning of political institutions in the context of digital transformations of the political sphere using the example of the institution of political parties. The study of the impact of digital transformations on the organization of the activities of the institution of political parties has shown that there have been changes in the organization of intra-party democracy, a rethinking of the format of party leadership, party membership and forms of interaction between leaders and members of political parties. Digital means of party activity have decentralized the decision-making process at the level of the party organization: if the impulse to digital changes in the party organization was external in nature and aimed at rapid and abrupt deployment, then adaptation to the decentralization of the decision-making process at the party level has taken aggressive and traumatic forms. The analysis of the relationship between the electoral strategies of political parties and the level of integration of digital tools into their activities led to the conclusion that the active deployment of digital transformations of the political field did not lead to the displacement of traditional communication channels that political parties rely on in their activities. A hybrid model of party communications was formed based on a combination of digital and traditional channels, the adaptation of which to the conditions of a specific political system depends on a number of contextual factors, such as the structure of the political system, the type of political culture, the norms of party, electoral and digital legislation, the mass media system, and the characteristics of the electoral model of political participation. The study of the nature of changes in the organization of party communications using digital communication tools indicates that they are determined by a rather slow process of implementing digital transformations, which is associated with security risks, ethics of communication between party members, the legitimacy of digital communication channels and a narrow understanding of the transparency of intra-party communications.
Copyright (c) 2025 Наталія Ротар https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Conceptual Definition of the Content of the Concept of “Public Health” as a Subject of State Policy in Modern Political Science
The article examines the process of conceptualizing the definition of the content of the concept of public health as a subject of state policy, formed in modern political science. It is proven that political science justifies the possibility of implementing state public health policy both on the principles of libertarianism and on the principles of paternalism, which offer their own models of explaining the nature, limits and legitimacy of the actions of politicians and the functions of political institutions regarding the restriction of freedom and responsibility of individuals and groups in pursuing their own interests. It is substantiated that the tendency to create mutually exclusive alternative models of public health (libertarian or paternalistic) is a wrong path in finding a balance between human interests and the interests of the state. It is established that an important part of the conceptualization of the concept of public health in modern political science is the problematization of the institutional and functional capacity of the public health system. The content of the concept of public health capacity is defined as a set of sustainable policies, organizational structures and resources of the public health system, capable of reproducing its proper level in the conditions of a nation-state or association of states implementing a common policy in this area. In the process of determining the research potential of the security dimension of the concept of public health, it was found that the understanding of politics as a process of competition for the content and dimensions of security, that is, public health can be a subject of policy, but not belong to the security field, is common to most critical security studies. The development of a theoretical understanding of the (non)security potential of public health is associated with the conceptualization of the concepts of securitization, collective securitization, securitization agents, and recursive interaction. The success and results of collective securitization depend on the density of institutionalization of the security space, in which rules and norms form an understanding of the content of threats in relation to which supranational actors play a major role.
Copyright (c) 2025 Олександр Шутак https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Institutions of Elections and Referendum in the Realisation of the Right to Self-Determination: Analysis of the Catalonia Case
The paper considers the use of the institutions of elections and referendums in implementing Catalonia’s right to self-determination. Spain’s policy to counter Catalan separatism is analysed and shown to have been balanced and consistent. Although government measures were not always timely, they remained within the legal framework and complied with Spain’s constitutional norms. It is demonstrated that, in the formation of and resistance to Catalanism by the central government of the Kingdom of Spain, elections and referendums played a significant role. Their application highlighted the indisputable regulatory function of the Constitutional Court of Spain in defining and specifying terms related to the exercise of the right to self-determination. In particular, the Court distinguished between “popular consultations” and “referendums” and confirmed the requirement to ascertain voters’ opinions solely on matters of state governance by strictly observing electoral procedures (population census, management by the electoral administration, jurisdictional guarantees). A crucial factor in the surge of Catalanist sentiment in Spain during the second decade of the 21st century was external interference by Russian governmental circles, which initiated and financed separatism in Catalonia through the legitimising technology of an independence referendum. An important feature of the referendum process – the use of digital technologies to organise and convene citizen participation in 2014 and the 2017 referendum – prompted European bodies to intensify the adoption of acts on electoral communication, media coverage of electoral processes and the use of digital tools to manipulate public opinion.
Copyright (c) 2025 Євгенія Юрійчук, Олександр Фесенко, Олександр Ткачук https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Regional Boundaries of Central and Eastern Europe: A Problem of Terminology or a Consequence of Geopolitical Dynamics?
The article examines the conceptual and terminological approaches to defining the regional boundaries of Central and Eastern Europe. It analyzes these concepts' historical evolution and adaptation to contemporary political and geopolitical realities. Special attention is paid to the variability of regional definitions in the works of Western and Eastern European researchers, as well as their influence on political discourse and international relations. The article also analyzes the factors that influenced the reconceptualization of the region's boundaries, and how Central and Eastern European post-communist countries position themselves under new conditions. The work offers an interdisciplinary approach to analyzing these issues, combining political science, international relations, historical research, and documentary source analysis methods. This approach allows for a comprehensive assessment of not just political, but also sociocultural and historical aspects of regional identity formation. Thanks to a retrospective update of the discussion initiated by Central European intellectuals in the 1980s, this research traces how the concepts of Central and Eastern Europe have transformed under the influence of political, cultural, and security factors from the end of the last century to the present. Special attention is paid to intellectual ideas that shaped perceptions of these regions, particularly in the texts of Milan Kundera, Krzysztof Czyżewski, Czesław Miłosz, as well as Ukrainian intellectuals Yuriy Andrukhovych and Oksana Zabuzhko. Analyzing contemporary geopolitical challenges, particularly Russian aggression against Ukraine, the article emphasizes the significance of the concept of borderlands as a space for intercultural interaction and political subjectivity. The idea that further research should not only rethink established terms but also consider the perspectives of the region's countries regarding self-determination and forming their own narrative in the European context is of great importance. Thus, the proposed approach opens new opportunities for understanding Central-Eastern Europe as a space for political dialogue, cultural renewal, and overcoming the colonial heritage.
Copyright (c) 2025 Тарас Малий https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The Image of the Settlers from Kluki in Polish Journalism Presenting the Problem of the Native Population Called Słowińska in the Post-War Period (Until the Mid-1970s)
The subject of this research is a journalistic record of settlers arriving after World War II into the village of Kluki, located on Lake Lebsko, which can be found in numerous articles on the fate of the local native population known as Slovinian. Texts on the autochthons began to appear with the end of the war, while the settlers began to be written about in 1947, i.e. after their stay of about a year in Kluki. The newcomers were presented mainly through the prism of conflicts that occurred between some of them and the native population. The numerous crimes committed by several of them at the time affected not only the position of the indigenous people, but also the fact that the settlers from Kluki were associated almost unambiguously with the evil they perpetrated. It was only in the late 1950s that few references began to appear that other newcomers had settled there, who, without breaking the law or entering into conflicts, built their new home under very difficult conditions. In this article, through the compilation of journalistic texts on settlers in Kluki, the basic elements of the image of the immigrant population, which readers received from newspaper reports, were determined. The analysis of the materials provided sufficient data to conclude that this image was definitely one-sided, incomplete, sometimes completely false. With the decline in journalistic interest in the issue of the Slovinians in the 1970s and their eventual departure from Poland, the post-war relations between the autochthons and the settlers ceased to be written about, and the perpetuated image has so far never been analyzed and corrected.
Copyright (c) 2025 Малгожата Масталерж-Кристянчук https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Diplomatic Activities of the UPR: 1917-1919
Ukrainian People’s Republic, starting with its proclamation by the Third Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, and during the Hetmanate and the UPR Directory, to enter into interstate relations, achieve international legal recognition of Ukrainian statehood, and receive support in the fight against external aggression on the eve of and at the beginning of the Paris Peace Conference. The authors analyze the negotiation process and the vision of the Ukrainian issue by the Central Powers and Entente at the end of the First World War, as well as the problematic aspects of Ukrainian-Entente relations as a result of Ukraine’s peace agreement with Germany and its allies in 1918 and attempts to resolve them. The influence of the uprising and the Directory’s victory on Ukraine’s perception by the Entente leaders as a pro-Bolshevik state, despite its war with the latter, is revealed. The preconditions and platform for possible understanding between the Ukrainian state and the Entente countries, particularly France and Great Britain, are identified. The authors characterize the activities of the Ukrainian delegation in Paris during the Peace Conference. It is established that despite a certain Ukrainian lobby in France, Ukrainian diplomats failed to reach an understanding with the French government and establish a positive dialogue with it. It is concluded that the Directorate’s negotiating position directly depended on the situation on the Ukrainian-Bolshevik front. The Directorate did not consider the importance of clearly defining foreign policy priorities and establishing timely direct relations with the victorious states.
Copyright (c) 2025 Андрій Стецюк, Віталій Макар https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Perestroika and the Collapse of the USSR. Some Reflections
This text offers some reflections related to perestroika and glasnost – two flagship projects of the era of Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev – the last leader of the Soviet Communist Party. Not counting his two immediate predecessors, who were elected in old age, Gorbachev proved to be the shortest-reigning Soviet leader. His plans for reform were linked to economic stagnation and the crisis of the state. He is often regarded, especially in the post-Soviet area, as the main culprit (often alongside Yeltsin) for the collapse of the USSR and its loss of superpower status. This is not entirely true, however, as Gorbachev found a state that was badly managed, stagnant and with a deepening crisis of confidence among its citizens. His reforms only accelerated the process of erosion of state structures and the economy that had been going on for years. In addition to seeing the last years of the USSR in the key of the collapse, it should also be emphasized that many of the former republics broke out into independence. Especially Ukraine, the Baltic republics and Kazakhstan have definitively separated themselves from Russia in terms of the country-building project, its structures and its economy. The terms perestroika and glasnost have permanently entered the language of political science, but Gorbachev was much more popular in the West. In the former USSR, and especially in Russia, he was and is highly criticized. The author of the text recalls the thesis of the Polish philosopher and expert on Marxism, Leszek Kołakowski, that the USSR could only survive if governed in the style that Stalin did, i.e. in a dictatorial manner. Other ways of governing the country, including attempts at reform, proved to be the road leading to disintegration.
Copyright (c) 2025 Норберт Фреєк https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0