Democracy Promotion's Resistance in «Ukraine Crisis»: Whether Russian «Sovereign Authoritarianism» is Effective?
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.339-350Abstract
The articledeals withthe efforts of the Russian Federation, which is pushing the concept of “sovereign authoritarianism”,to resist democracy promotion under the conditions of “Ukraine Crisis”. The author emphasizes that the ideological component plays an important role for the global geopolitical fight. In particluar, ideological basis of geopolitical struggle for Ukraine has a significant influence and largely determines the course of confrontation between the main global players, namely: the collective West and Russia. Russian Federation has developed its own concept of the non-liberal regime and the mechanisms of its external projection as a way to counter the democracy promotion. By the end of 2017, Russia`s “sovereign authoritarianism” shows its sufficient effectiveness to contain democracy promotion efforts towards Ukraine under the conditions of the “Ukraine Crisis” and in the wider context of European and Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine.
Keywords: “Ukraine crisis”, democracy promotion, sovereign authoritarianism, Ukraine, Russia
References
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2. Allison, R. (2014), Russian ‘deniable’ intervention in Ukraine: how and why Russia broke the rules,International Affairs, Vol.90, №6, рp. 1255-1297.
3. Åslund, A. (2009), How Ukraine became a market economy and democ-racy / Peterson Institute for International Economics Washington, D.C. Anders Åslund. 345 р.
4. Arakelyan,L.A. (2015), Quo Vadis, Armenia? The South Caucasus and Great Power Politics, Russia, Eurasia and the New Geopolitics of Ener-gy. Confrontation and Consolidation Edited by Matthew Sussex and Rog-er E. Kanet. 252 p.
5. Averre, D. (2007), “Sovereign Democracy” and Russia’s Relations with the European Union, Demokratizatsiya, Vol. 15, № 2, рр. 173-190.
6. Averre, D. (2016), The Ukraine Conflict: Russia’s Challenge to European Security Governance, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol.68, №4, pр. 699-725.
7. Babayan, N. (2015), The return ofthe empire? Russia's counteraction to transatlantic democracy promotion in its near abroad, Democratization, Vol.22, №3, рр. 438-458.
8. Bader, J., Gravingholt, J., Kastner, A. (2010), Would autocracies promote autocracy? A political economy perspective on regime-type export in re-gional neighbourhoods, Contemporary Politics, Vol.16, №1, pp. 81-100.
9. Baev, P.K. (2008), From west to south to north Russia engages and chal-lenges its neighbours, International Journal, Vol.63, № 2, pp. 291-305.
10. Bindman, E. (2015), The state, civil society and social rights in contempo-rary Russia, East European Politics, Vol.31, №3, рp. 342-360.
11. Bölme, S.M. (2015), The Roots of Authoritarianism in the Middle East, Authoritarianismin the Middle East Before and After the Arab Uprisings Ed by Karakoc J. рp. 7-37.
12. Carothers, T. (2002), The End of the Transition Paradigm, Journal of Democracy, Vol.13, № 1, pр. 5-21.
13. Case, W. (1996), Can the ‘Halfway House’ Stand? Semidemocracy and Elite Theory in Three Southeast Asian Countries,” Comparative Politics, Vol.28, № 4, рр. 437-464.
14. Chaisty, P. (2014), Presidential dynamics and legislative velocity in Rus-sia, 1994-2007, East European Politics, Vol.30, №4, рp. 588-601.
15. Cheskin, A. (2017), Russian soft power in Ukraine: A structural perspec-tive, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol.50, №4, рр. 277-287.
16. Cornell, S.E. (2016), The fallacy of ‘compartmentalisation’: the West and Russia from Ukraine to Syria, European View, №15, рр. 97-109.
17. Diamond, L. (1996), Is the Third Wave Over?, Journal of Democracy, Vol.7, № 3, pp. 20-37.
18. Diamond, L. (2002), “Elections without Democracy: Thinking about Hy-brid Regimes”, Journal of Democracy, Vol.13, №2, pp. 21-35.
19. Diamond, L.J. (2008), The democratic rollback: the resurgence of the predatory state, Foreign Affairs, Vol.87, №2, pp. 36-48.
20. Engstrom, M. (2014), Contemporary Russian Messianism and New Rus-sian Foreign Policy, Contemporary Security Policy, Vol.35, № 3, pp. 356-379.
21. Fish, M.S. (2017), The Kremlin Emboldened What is Putinism? Journal of Democracy, Vol.28, № 4, pp. 61-75.
22. Freudenstein, R. (2014), “Facing up to the bear: confronting Putin’s Rus-sia”, European View, №13, pp. 225-232.
23. Gerber, T.P. (2014), Beyond Putin? Nationalism and Xenophobia in Rus-sian Public Opinion, The Washington Quarterly, Vol.37, №3, pp. 113-134.
24. Gerrits, A.W.M. (2005), Russia, the European Union and the ''Orange Revolution'' in Ukraine: The East-West Conflict Revisited?, International Area Studies Review, Vol.8, №1, рp. 3-21.
25. Golosov, G.V. (2014), Authoritarian Electoral Engineering and its Limits: A Curious Case of the Imperiali Highest Averages Method in Russia, Eu-rope-Asia Studies, Vol. 66, №10, рр. 1611-1628.
26. Gudkov, L. (2011), The Nature of “Putinism”, Russian Politics and Law, Vol.49, №2, pp. 7-33.
27. Hassner, P. (2008), ‘Russia’s Transiti on to Autocracy’, Journal of De-mocracy, Vol.19, №2, pp. 5-15.
28. Hove, M. (2017), The Emergence of the New Cold War: The Syrian and Ukraine Conflicts, Jadavpur Journal of International Relations, 2017, Vol.20, №2, рр. 1-22.
29. Krastev, I. (2011), Paradoxes of the New Authoritarianism, Journal of Democracy, Vol. 22, № 2, рр. 5-16.
30. Kuzio, T. (2016), “Nationalism and authoritarianism in Russia: Introduc-tion to the special issue”, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 49 №1, pp. 1-11.
31. Levitsky, S., Way, L. (2002), The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism, Journal of Democracy, Vol.13, №2, рp. 51-65.
32. Levitsky, S., Way, L. (2002), “Competitive Authoritarianism: The Origins and Dynamics of Hybrid Regimes in the Post-Cold War Era”: http://homes.ieu.edu.tr/~ibagdadi/INT435/Readings/ General/Levitsky-Way-Stanford%20-%20Competitive%20Authoritarianism.pdf (дата пе-регляду 22 грудня 2017).
33. Lucan, W.(2016), Weaknesses of Autocracy Promotion, Journal of De-mocracy, Vol.27, №1, рр. 64-75.
34. March, L. (2012), Nationalism for Export? The Domestic and Foreign-Policy Implications of the New ‘Russian Idea’, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol.64, № 3, pp. 401-425.
35. Martyanov, V.(2005), The Evolution of Key Russian Political Discourse: from ‘Western Democracy’ to ‘the Quality of Democracy’, Perspectives on European Politics and Society, Vol.6, № 2, рp. 175-191.
36. Maslovskiy, M. (2016), “The Imperial Dimension of Russian Modernisa-tion: A Multiple Modernities Perspective”, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol.68, №1, pp. 20-37.
37. McFaul, M. (1999), “What Went Wrong in Russia?”, Journal of Democ-racy, Vol.10, №2, рp. 4-18.
38. McFaul M., SpectorR.A. (2010), External sources and consequences of Russia’s “sovereign democracy”, New Challenges to Democratization. Edited by P Burnell and R Youngs Routledgep p. 116-133.
39. Milevski, T. (2015), “Identifying the new Eurasian orientation in modern Russian geopolitical thought”, Eastern Journal of European Studies, Vol.6, №2, рp. 177-187.
40. Mochtak, M., Holzer, J. (2017), Electoral Violence in Putin's Russia: Modern Authoritarianism in Practice, Studies of Transition States and So-cieties, Vol.9, №1, рр. 35-52.
41. Motyl, A.J. (2016), Putin's Russia as a fascist political system, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol.49, №1, pp. 25-36.
42. Nasir K.M., Turner, B.S. (2013), Governing as gardening: reflections on soft authoritarianismin Singapore, Citizen ship Studies, Vol.17, №3-4, рр. 339-352.
43. Noutcheva, G. (2018), Whose legitimacy? The EU and Russiain contest for the eastern neigh bourhood, Democratization, Vol.25, №2, pp. 312-330.
44. Nygren, B. (2012), Using the neo-classical realism paradigm to predict Russian foreign policy behaviour as a complement to using resources, In-ternational Politics, Vol. 49, №4, pp. 517-529.
45. Obydenkova, A., Libman, A. (2014), Understanding the foreign policy of autocratic actors: ideology or pragmatism? Russia and the Tymoshenko trial as a case study, Contemporary Politics, Vol. 20, № 3,рр. 347-364.
46. Pain, E. (2012), Special Characteristics of the Post-Soviet Political Re-gime, Russian Politics and Law, Vol.50, №6,pр. 41-68.
47. Payne, K.B., Foster, J.S. (2017), Russian strategy Expansion, crisis and conflict, Comparative Strategy, Vol.36, № 1, рр. 1-89.
48. Petrov, N. (2011), The Political Mechanics of the Russian Regime. Sub-stitutes Versus Institutions, Russian politics and law, Vol.49, №2, pp. 34-69.
49. Popescu, N., Wilson, A. (2009), The Limits of Enlargement-Lite: Europe-an and Russian Power in the Troubled Neighbourhood, http://www.voltairenet.org/IMG/pdf/Europea_and_Russian_in_the_ trou-bled_neighbourhood.pdf (дата перегляду 22 грудня 2017).
50. Raik, K. (2017), The Ukraine Crisis as a Conflict over Europe's Political, Economic and Security Order, Geopolitics 8 http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14650045.2017.1414046 (датаперегляду 22 грудня 2017).
51. Roberts, K. (2017), Understanding Putin: The politics of identity and geopolitics in Russian foreign policy discourse, International Jour-nal, Vol.72, №1, рр. 28-55.
52. Robertson, G.B. (2009), Managing Society: Protest, Civil Society, and Regime in Putin’s Russia, Slavic Review, Vol. 68, №3, pp. 528-547.
53. Sakwa, R. (2015), Russian Neo-Revisionism and Dilemmas of Eurasian Integration, Power, Politics and Confrontation in Eurasia Foreign Policy in a Contested Region Edited by Roger E. Kanet and Matthew Sussex pp. 111-134.
54. Schedler, A. (2013), The Politics of Uncertainty Sustaining and Subvert-ing Electoral Authoritarianism. 1st ed. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America: Oxford University Press. 493 p.
55. Shakleyina, T.A., Bogaturov, A.D. (2004), “The Russian Realist school of international relations”, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, №37, pp. 37-51.
56. Shlapentokh, V. (2009), Perceptions of foreign threats to the regime: From Lenin to Putin, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol.42, № 3, pp. 305-324.
57. Silitski, V. (2009), Tools of Autocracy, Journal of Democracy, Vol.20, №2, pp. 42-46.
58. Smith, H. (2016), Statecraft and Post-Imperial Attractiveness: Eurasian Integration and Russia as a Great Power, Problems of Post-Communism, Vol.63, №3, pp. 171-182.
59. Smith, N.R.(2017), Chapter 9: Ukraine’s Démocratisation Path Post-Orange Revolution: Examining the Internal and External Impediments to Successful Democratic Reform in Ukraine, Edited by Fish M. Steven Gill G Petrovic M A Quarter Century of Post-Communism Assessed рр. 247-270.
60. Suslov, M. (2012), Geographical Metan arratives in Russia and the Euro-pean East: Contemporary Pan-Slavism, Eurasian Geography and Eco-nomics, Vol.53, №5, pp. 575-595.
61. The new authoritarianism in the former Soviet Union (2010), Communist and Post-Communist Studies, №43, pр. 335-337.
62. Tolstrup, J. (2009), ‘Studying a negative external actor: Russia’s man-agement of stability and instability in the ‘NearAbroad’’, Democratiza-tion, Vol.16, №5, рp. 922-944.
63. Tsygankov, A.P., Parker, D. (2015), The securitization of democracy: Freedom House ratings of Russia, European Security, Vol.24, №1, pp. 77-100.
64. Tsygankov, A.P. (2012), Assessing Cultural and Regime-Based Explana-tions of Russia’s Foreign Policy.‘Authoritarian at Heart and Expansionist by Habit’?, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol.64, №4, рр. 695-713.
65. Vanderhill, R. (2014), Promoting Democracy and Promoting Authoritari-anism: Comparing the Cases of Belarus and Slovakia, Europe-Asia Stud-ies, Vol.66, №2, рр. 255-283.
66. von Soest, C., Grauvogel, J. (2017), Identity, procedures and perfor-mance: how authoritarian regimes legitimize their rule, Contemporary Politics, Vol.23, №3, pp. 287-305.
67. Wilson, J.L. (2010), The Legacy of the Color Revolutions for Russian Politics and Foreign Policy, Problems of Post-Communism, Vol.57, №2, pp. 21-36.
68. Yakouchyk, K. (2016), The good, the bad, and the ambitious: democracy and autocracy promoters competing in Belarus, European Political Sci-ence Review, Vol.8, №2, pp. 195-224.
69. Zakaria, F. (1997), The rise of illiberal democracy. Foreign Affairs, Vol.76, №6, рр. 22-43.
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2017-12-20
How to Cite
Motsok, V. (2017). Democracy Promotion’s Resistance in «Ukraine Crisis»: Whether Russian «Sovereign Authoritarianism» is Effective?. Modern Historical and Political Issues, (35-36), 339–350. https://doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.339-350
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